This blog has been a long time in the
writing, partly because I have strived hard to appear as objective as
I could, and partly because of the demands of life with an 18 month
old. Now, with a pressing need to write an ebook, I have to let it
go and get it out there, finished or not, for my own sanity! I hope I
have achieved my aim and can illicit some ideology-free debate on the
matter. Unfortunately, my experiences over the last year don't lend
themselves to taking that for granted, and I'm sure you can
understand why when I say that the purpose of this blog is to prove:
that the skeptical community is hypocritical in the way that it deals
with politics and economics; that these two fields as practised on a
macro scale are inherently flawed and illegitimate; and that they
should be treated by our community with the same level of respect and
ridicule as we do religion. So, while your pre-formed judgements
swirl into view, I'd like to provide a bit of context.
I came into the skeptical community around the same time as I begged my way onto a Philosophical Foundations of Cognitive Science course at university. Since I was studying Intellectual and Cultural History at the time it wasn't strictly speaking “allowed” - personally, with hind-sight, I would make it compulsory. Since that time, I have come to view skepticism as the most rational and objective way of evaluating information not only because it bases itself on facts and evidence, but because it takes that knowledge and constructs a framework that tries to account for all the foibles, errors of intuition and effects of group dynamics on individuals thinking. One thing I am absolutely adamant about is that I cannot abide submitting to ideology, and with that comes a genuine desire to practice what I preach – I welcome any and all attempts to expose my own hidden, unfounded values. I try to apply skeptical principles to all of my knowledge and beliefs, something that I always assumed the majority of skeptics (if not all) would agree with.
That assumption changed when the Occupy
movement first began in 2011. From a systems perspective it was
fascinating: the creation of a shared culture by people in almost 100
countries, forging links in identity beyond language and national
borders. Yet as objectively as I try to explain the unprecedented
significance of such an event, within two weeks I had lost count of
the number of strawmen, ad-hom attacks, post-hoc justifications and
outright, uninformed acts of hostility. When in debate face-to-face,
I have convinced all that I have met on the merits of my arguments;
it appears that the internet is another beast entirely. The
realisation that, despite all the rhetoric, here was ideologically
trollish behaviour fit for any of our traditional foes shook me
deeply. I was left feeling as though my community had been swept
from under my feet and all I could see were contradictions, illogical
justifications and an illusory unity just waiting to explode...
Some working definitions
I have come to suspect that we are yet to invent or mature all of the necessary vocabulary (and certainly concepts) to talk about politics and economics in the way that I wish; that requires discourse first. Religious secularism gave rise to the realm of modern statehood, thereby creating space from which one could talk about religion, both in terms of its content and dynamics (or lack thereof). We talk freely of the faults of dogma, of organised religion, of religious fundamentalism; I have struggled in writing this blog (as have others providing feedback) to find words for these concepts outside of the religious context. If there has never been an 'unorganised politics', can 'organised politics' even make sense? In comparing politics and economics to religion, I am not inferring that there is anything inherently wrong with any of them. Rather, that when in positions of authority all three can be said to be top-down, ideological, unfounded systems of belief. Therefore, I've chosen to use the term 'political economy', as per this definition:
“The study and use of how economic theory and methods influences political ideology. Political economy is the interplay between economics, law and politics, and how institutions develop in different social and economic systems, such as capitalism, socialism and communism. Political economy analyzes how public policy is created and implemented. “
Read more: http://www.investopedia.com/terms/p/political-economy.asp#ixzz2DeHVbjoF
Ideally, I would like a phrase that
encompasses the overall power dynamics involved in the interplay
between religion, politics and economics over time, though for
the purpose of this blog political economy fits my requirements. Since the skeptical community have already found a consensus
regarding organised religions' legitimacy as a public authority,
political economy is what remains as the target of my ire. Here are
my three arguments, any of which should, in my opinion, logically
lead to an objective rejection of political economy by our community
comparable to our consensus on the legitimacy of rule by organised
religion.
Argument 1: The moral case for
secularism
Why does the skeptical community think
that secularism is an inherently justified and necessary concept? I
do not think the answer can lie in the content of the dogma
itself; however enlightened or repressive the dogma, content is
subjective and so cannot be the source of objective proof in and of
itself. I think it is pretty clear that the imposition of any
religious dogma on entire populations is widely considered the
immoral act that inherently justifies the concept of secularism.
This exact justification for secularism
should just as easily apply to political economy. We separate Church
and State to remove religion from public life; yet political economy
is public life, and it has
created a world that is as every bit governed by imposed
ideology as ever before, including religious. I have previously
blogged about the myriad of ways in which political economy is merely
the same, unfounded power structure as religion was/is, simply sans
the ridiculous (with hindsight) metaphysics of old. Just as religion
was the source of our normative culture in the past, so too are our
lives now measured, structured and judged by the normative values of
political economy.
Argument 2: Reference to
contemporary scientific consensus as a minimum requirement for
legitimacy.
It is easy to make such a post-hoc
moral argument for religious secularism from way away here in the
21st century. To skeptics, as well as to many non-skeptics, the idea
of a universal imposition of strict religious ideologies is clearly
immoral. Yet this has not always been the case. Once upon a time, the
vast majority of people would have vehemently disagreed with such a
proposition, going so far as to consider atheism or critical thinking
as that which was inherently immoral. The reason why secularism
emerged when it did in Europe was because the growing body of
knowledge accrued by early science began to challenge and disprove
Catholic dogma, thereby depriving the Church of its moral and
political authority (which in turn led to the reformation and the
enlightenment). One of the most bloody periods of European history
ensued, cementing in many of the great minds of the Enlightenment the
moral case for religious freedom and state secularism.
Once early science discovered the
various ways of studying nature, they used those tools (physics,
biology, chemistry etc) to great practical effect, a testament to
scientific method. It became clear that theology, without so much as
a mention of contemporary knowledge in its methodology or
conclusions, had has much legitimacy as it had reference to reality.
We are now at a similar crossroads. The body of knowledge has now
progressed immeasurably since the time of the foundations of almost
every theory of political economy currently established, creating the
same conditions as those religion faced when it was confronted with
demands for secularism. We have the tools to study social systems,
yet established attempts to explain the system rely on dogma that
pre-dates the existence of those tools. A political theory sans so
much as a reference to system theory, cognitive science, complexity
etc, should be viewed by the skeptical community the exact same way
as a theory of biology that ignores evolution and genetics, or a
theory of the universe minus any mention physics. It doesn't even
matter if you believe these tools do not represent sufficient
knowledge to reach objective conclusions; legitimacy rests on using
the best contemporary knowledge we have – and it doesn't make
political economy any more likely to be legitimate in this sense. Whether system theory, complexity et all are sufficient for the objectification of identity and morality remain to be seen - but we should all be able to agree on the basic, and crucial to this argument, point that established ideologies are now known not to be sufficient.
Argument 3: Predicting the
unpredictable
Political economy, as with religion,
seeks to explain and predict the
emergent properties of complex systems, be it on the individual or
societal level. Yet complex systems are inherently unpredictable
over enough time; how accurately and distantly one can reliably predict
depends on the depth and accuracy of our knowledge of the system in
question and the dynamics at play. The scientific language for such
knowledge has only been in development for a few decades; we should
not expect long-established political economy to be any more
accurate, or legitimate, than a climate model that pre-dates
meteorology, or a theory of biology pre-Darwin. Therefore, any
skeptic that openly identifies with a political or economic label is
in effect endorsing the legitimacy of imposing a model that claims to
predict the unpredictable. While we cannot objectively disprove any
theory of political economy (special pleading makes it
unfalsifiable), neither can we objectively disprove religious values
and beliefs. In both instances, all that matters is that we can show
the dogma to almost certainly be wrong, given
that they both eschew the relevant scientific frameworks available
today. This isn't to say we shouldn't try, just that we must acknowledge the fact that we are probably going to be shown to be objectively wrong in our predictions at some point and build evolution into the governing ideologies of the future, i.e. full monitoring of policy, a comprehensive and fluid method of communicating best practices and lessons learned, systematic processes to avoid negative group-dynamics etc.
In summary, religion and political
economy are, or have been, ideological belief systems imposed upon
society as a whole that have seen their conceptual underpinnings
exposed as false by the advance of science and knowledge. As such,
both are equally immoral in the objective sense of each being shown
to false by virtue of probability. Both should have equal scientific
and moral legitimacy within our community – none – owing to their
respective disregard for relevant, contemporary scientific knowledge.
If the skeptical community
is to be consistent and objective on the issue of political economy,
skeptics should simply identify politically as 'skeptic', advocate
for more political and economic data, and (if we are to be really
consistent) argue the case for a new form of secularism that seeks to
transition away from this newly exposed form of imposed ideology.
The absurdity of the contradiction
Having outlined my arguments, I just
want to further draw on this analogy between politics and religion
and what that might suggest about the challenge facing the skeptical
community. Be forewarned: I am now entering rhetoric mode befitting
the passion for which I feel about it. I would really appreciate it
if any counter arguments focus on the summary above, since that which
I seek above anything else is a logical refutation to the charge that
politics and religion should be considered by skeptics as equivalent,
as per the arguments stated.
In my
opinion, the skeptical community of today is analogous to the early,
Christian, scientists
who could not yet bring themselves, be it through fear of persecution
or genuine belief/lack of questioning, to challenge the orthodoxy of
the day – despite the immense suffering that was happening all
around them. Many today express surprise that such great minds could
have seemingly not questioned their own religious belief given the
lack of evidence, but many would also know that surprise is merely a
product of our own post-hoc rationalisations. Back then, God and
religion was everywhere; culture was saturated with it and so, in
turn, were the vast majority of individuals. One should not
underestimate the power of cultural saturation of ideology to blind
even the greatest of minds to its absurdity and illegitimacy. Today,
it feels as though we are once again in the early enlightenment –
the evidence is now there for people to see, but there are not yet
enough eyes open to see it. Instead of ignoring the wanton abuse of
power by the Church, ahem, I mean State, and instead of focusing all our
efforts on pagan heathens, sorry, homeopaths, might I suggest we
collectively look at the bigger picture? If we do not, I dread to
think of what excuses historians of the future deploy to explain the
deeply ironic case of the skeptical community largely unaware of its
own political and economic ideology.
I'm sure that many might object to comparing religion with
politics on the grounds of severity or scale of consequence (perhaps
quoting Pinker), or on their differing capacity to adapt and change
to shifting cultural values. However, these are quantitative
arguments; they are not sufficient to falsify the arguments
previously presented - incidentally, given the huge population growth post-secularism, and the incredibly large net cast by a small number of nations, I would argue that in terms of scale, the State could well rival Religions collective past (and we've seen all too clearly what the State can be capable of in terms of severity) Objectively, I believe that there is no
inherent difference in the objective legitimacy of authority of religion or politics, since
both ideological foundations have now been shown to be false by the
progression of science and culture. I
regard someone who declares themselves a Libertarian Skeptic to be as objectively wrong as someone who calls themselves a Christian skeptic (although, to be fair. it's more understandable outside of this framework, since it is, imo, ahead of its time rather than a centuries out of date.)
The challenge ahead
We must recognise and challenge these contradictions and hypocrisies inherent in us, of all people, absolving political economy of skeptical reasoning on the grounds of them being 'values' (oh, how the religious would love us to accept that argument from them!). Obviously there are values in politics (in the study of complex systems, there will likely remain considerable unknowns for some time to come) that should continue to be included for as long as they persist. I heard (and agreed with) Mark Henderson, author of The Geek Manifesto, elucidating the same point at Norwich SiTP recently – 'That is what democracy is' (incidentally, he apologised for being unable to answer my question regarding why the imposition of political and religious ideology aren't treated by skeptics as equivalent). As a matter of public policy, values must be allowed to proceed at their evolutionary pace – too quick, or as now too slow, and the immorality grows. Yet I do not see why we should entertain such nonsense within our community.
Do we expect History to look back on this time, this early growth of this special movement, and ignore the question as to why we all put so much efforts into fringe issues whilst allowing the present ruling conflation of woo to run amok? Or will Historians say that perhaps many turned a self-censored-eye to the drones, the wars, the inequality, the global suffering, the economic models and systems driving this race to an ever-warmer bottom, in favour of bravely battling Homoeopaths and people claiming to be psychics? To ignore the worlds most ironic case of group-think ever witnessed? I sincerely hope that they do get to say that, for it will mean we have managed to progress beyond it to look back.. This whole issue pains me greatly, for the world desperately needs people to encourage and nurture a transitional, controversial culture derived from contemporary concepts and data to help pull us away from this thus-far unbroken cycle of imposed ideology, before it either nukes or asphyxiates us. If it isn't going to be us, the self-proclaimed vanguard of independent thinkers everywhere, then who the hell is it going to be?
UPDATES:
To read PZ Myers' polemic futherences of this blog, click here: HERE
To read Steven Novella's tactful response to PZ's response, in which it seems he agrees that ideology is inconsistent with skepticism but that it's fine if people don't see it that way, click there: THERE
And for PZ's tour de force of a reply to that, click here again: HERE AGAIN
Here's an excerpt:
"As for that awful, dishonest, destructive claim that “Political, moral, and social ideology are ‘outside the scope’ of skepticism because they remove objectivity” — I ask, OK, so would you claim that there is no rational, evidence-based argument against, say, slavery? That it is impossible to make an objective argument in any domain against treating people as property? If that’s the case, well then, fuck skepticism. It isn’t relevant or useful anymore. It has abstracted itself into the realm of a private academic circle-jerk, and we can stop arguing, because just maybe atheists, who apparently have more rational minds, can just leave the party voluntarily."
Continuing, this is Steve's second reply, which I have only had time to skim read, in which he makes some very good points but again, imo, presumes too great a level of discipline and free inquiry in dealing with politics within the community. In my experience, people struggle with the very notion of post-ideological political discourse, skeptics included. Click away: AWAY
You guessed it - PZ replies to the reply of the reply to the reply....and this time he's clearly calmed down a bit (not that I allow his rhetoric to influence my thinking on his actual arguments - though it seems many skeptics make no such basic allowance). It is, in my opinion, right on the money, and exposes some pretty weak flaws in Novellas arguments.
Here's an excerpt:
"...then there’s this distinction between empirical claims and faith-based claims, which I simply don’t see. “Faith” is not a magic get-out-of-jail-free word; I don’t think Novella would be stopped cold in his tracks if a homeopath invoked faith and god as a mechanism behind succussed water. Faith-based claims are empirical claims! When someone claims a vast cosmic intelligence named Jesus created the universe, I’m going to ask for their evidence for that claim; it is an empirical claim not just about how the universe works, but about how they arrive at their conclusions and what the chain of evidence that led them to that assertion is. If they openly admit that their beliefs are not based on empirical knowledge, that does not mean we retreat; it means we present the evidence for how the universe actually works and was created. Faith does not insulate a claim from skepticism as Novella argues; there is still a body of evidence that may contradict their claims, and it does as no service to simply throw up our hands and declare their arguments out of bounds for skepticism".
Additionally, here's some commentary from Marc Barnhill
And here is some balanced commentary from Richard Reed
3 comments:
I'm glad you feel you can speak for what "the movement" needs. Not at all an indication of what I am talking about.
I think you're confusing "political economy" (by your definition, 'the study and use of how economic theory and methods influences political ideology') with the current, orthodox theory which purports to be informed by political economy.
Your argument seems to reject "political economy" rather than what I think you mean, "the mainstream approach to the economy". To reject political economy is to reject the assertion that economic theory and methods have an influence on political ideology.
I don't think there's any doubt that x does influence y, the doubt should be in our current view of what exactly that influence is and how it works.
It sounds like you are rejecting the study of a field, because the field has come to wrong conclusions. Reject the conclusions, not the field.
Also, how can you even hope to illicit "ideology-free" debate? Unless you have an unusual definition of ideology, you must admit that one cannot be ideology-free.
Thanks for the reply. I don't doubt x does influence y here. That's part of the problem. What I reject is the study AND conclusions of political economy that is not founded on the correct scientific framework, namely complex adaptive systems.
It isn't just the current orthodoxy of any particular country I object to. It is ALL established theories of political economy that have been incorporated as ruling ideologies.
Regarding ideology-free debate. I regard it as a spectrum, and I think there is FAR more scope to head in the right direction. I would consider myself far more ideology-free than the majority, and the ideological constructs that are still apparent are sought out, examined, and recognised as the cultural pollution it is.
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